âIn his new book, After Black Lives Matter: Policing and Anti-Capitalist Struggle, political scientist Cedric Johnson explores the origins and consequences of what he calls stress policing, or the style of law enforcement that emerged out of âbroken windowsâ initiatives in the carceral expansion of the 1980sâ
âpolicing in the United States is not primarily an expression of antiblackness or white supremacy, but rather functions to secure the conditions for perpetual capital accumulation, in large part by managing a surplus population that is increasingly multiracialâ
ââPolice violence,â he writes, âis not meted out against the black population en masse but is trained on the most dispossessed segments of the working class across metropolitan, small town and rural geographies.ââ
âA blind spot of Black Lives Matter and adjacent notions like the New Jim Crow is the tendency to view police violence as an exclusively black problem, and a problem that universally threatens black peopleâ
âWe have a problem of a society thatâs by and large abandoned welfare provision and has instead decided to address the desperately poor and the dispossessed through policingâ
âAs a society, weâve come to manage surplus population through punishment rather than benevolenceâ
âWhen we take a serious look at the victims of that violence â when we look closely at who they are and what their lives are like â a different set of conclusions emerges or should emerge for usâ
âWe need a genuine left analysis of society as it exists. We have to identify the common hardships that many people are facing, the circumstances that force people to engage in activities that are targeted aggressively by police and our courts systemâ
âwe have to ask whatâs to be gained by ignoring the fact of common conditions facing the most suppressed elements of the working class of all colorsâ
âthis is sometimes tough for people to appreciate, but the reality is that throughout American history, the vast majority of people who are poor in this country have always been white. At the height of AFDC [Aid to Families with Dependent Children] payments, the majority of recipients were white (though the popular image of the welfare recipient was a black person, thanks to Ronald Reagan and others)â
âeven if weâre talking about blacks and Latinos as a plurality of people within a surplus population, those people are still different from the rest of African Americans who have jobs, bank accounts, credit cards, mortgages, and possibly savings; people who are somewhat upwardly mobile in the economyâ
âI think we have to ask whatâs to be gained by ignoring the fact of common conditions facing the most oppressed elements of the working class of all colorsâ
âItâs not only important on an intellectual level to get this story right. Itâs also important politically if weâre trying to build a left majorityâ
âIf weâre concerned about inequality and the damage that capital does to society â to our lives and our neighborhoods and communities â then we should be looking at whatâs happening to everybodyâ
âThe way I try to describe the police â and I already can hear the jeers and boos from certain corners â is as a type of alienated worker. Iâm not suggesting that the police are productive workers in the traditional sense; Iâm saying that theyâre reproductive. Their labor is necessary insofar as it secures the conditions for capital accumulation to take placeâ
âthat role changes in quality and form over timeâ
âDuring the period of industrialization, the function of the police was, on one side, to crush labor insurgencies, and then also to do things like round up drunks and allow them to dry out so they could make it to work the next morningâ
âWe live in a different âpostindustrialâ moment now, where the police are there to manage and contain the surplus population, and to shore up [conditions] for all sorts of urban real estate speculation and development, and the expansion of tourism and entertainment in citiesâ
âWe should also remember that the police are often people who are conscripted by class â that is, people who end up pursuing that particular occupation because they donât have a whole lot of other optionsâ
âThe same is true for people in the military. I donât mention this in the book, but in the community where I grew up in South Louisiana, it was mandatory for everyone in my high school to take the ASVAB [Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery] test â we didnât have a choiceâ
âWhen I tell that story to people from other parts of the country, theyâre like, âWhat? We never had to do anything like that!â And itâs because you werenât from one of the poorest places in the entire United States!â
âI tried to offer a more nuanced interpretation of the police, while still thinking about them as fulfilling a repressive roleâ
âas I get older, Iâm less patient with empty posturing and hand-me-down slogans that donât give us either the political vision we need or the view of social reality that we should haveâ
âit shouldnât just be police budgets that weâre thinking about recuperatingâ
âWe should be thinking about the massive tax giveaways, land grants, and infrastructure upgrades doled out to corporations and private developers that happen in cities every day. That should also be the focus of any genuine urban left politicsâ
âI donât think we can have the kind of complex urban society that we do without state force. I donât think we can have governance, and for that matter, social justice, without the monopoly of violence. The problem for us right now is that the police uphold a highly unjust and terrible capitalist orderâ Note: This is a strong claim, and one that drives at the core of some significant rifts in left politics. Can there be a society, of any form, where the monopoly of violence is not required?
âForce was necessary to break open the whites-only ballot box, to allow black kids to attend schools in New Orleans and other places. We should be aware of those historical instances and think about these contradictions in a way thatâs serious and takes historical materialism with a sense of sincerity and integrityâ
âthereâs now a consciousness of the limitations of our society that werenât there beforeâ
âThereâs an understanding that the for-profit city doesnât serve us â in Chicago or anywhere else â and that we need something different, more genuinely democratic and socially justâ
Navigation
Backlinks
There are no backlinks to this post.