âTrump and a broader phenomenonâcall it Trumpismâare stronger and deeper than most veteran political analysts realized or were willing to acknowledge.â
âThey are neither immediate nor transitory phenomena. The disdain for the status quo, for authority figures of both parties and other institutions, and the anger at inexorable changes in society, are real, enduring, and especially deep on the Republican side.â
âIdeology forms a significant part of that anger, but it transcends much of the predictable divide between liberals conservatives.â
âAlong the way, his strategy also brought with it a deeply damaged image of Congress and alienation from government, sharply enhanced partisan enmity and rancor, and tribalized politics. Gingrich assumed that when he became speaker, he could co-opt the radical outsiders he brought with him to Washington. It never happened. Their disdain for Washington, government, and Congress continued, even during their majority status.â
âConsider a world where partisan tribalismâthe sense that the other party is a threat to the country, the enemy, not just an adversaryâis conjoined with race, one party becoming overwhelmingly white, the other largely non-white. The challenge for national unity will be much sharper than it has been in over a century.â
âTo be sure, many elements of this sagaâraging populism; coarsened culture; bitter, invective-laced politics; demagoguery and nativism inside and outside the political world; partisan media; and an intertwining of race and politicsâare not new at all in American history. The news is more about the amplified impact of these factors in a corrosive witches brew, in a modern world of new technology.â
âThe face of American politics, and especially of the Republican Party, will be different from what most pundits have experienced or expected, for a long time to come. And the dysfunction of American politics wonât disappear or abate with a single election, or two, or three.â
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