âAs against the constitutional politics of the state, Cover associates legal meaning almost invariably with âautonomous interpretive communities.â These communities can be insular and turn away from the state. Or they can be redemptive and attempt to capture the state. But if and when they do come to the levers of government power, they seemingly lose their association with nomosâ (10).
âlaw, when it emanates from the state, âtakes place in a field of pain and deathââ (10).
âThe violence of the law undermines the voluntary affirmation of meaning required by nomos and interpretationâ (10).
âCover portrays the state as unrelentingly evacuated of meaning, as exhausted by bureaucratic and administrative structuresâ (11).
âjudges . . . use the force of the state to crush the competing nomoi of autonomous communitiesâ (11).
â[the state is not jurisgenerative. This] sterility is a good thing, however, because a government that sought to impose âa statist paideiaâ would be positively dangerous. It would use violence to crush and displace the autonomous communities where nomos is actually forgedâ (12).
âThe state is not uniquely jurispathic; every nomos exists by virtue of its exclusion and denial of competing nomoi. Jurispathology is in this sense built into the very sociology of human meaningâ (13).
âwe must ask how multiple communities, with their competing and mutually jurispathic nomoi, can live togetherâ (13).
âCoverâs refusal to acknowledge the distinctive nomos of liberalism follows from a dilemma in which he was ensnared: If liberalism is its own nomos, and if liberalism is necessary in order to preserve the small autonomous communities that Cover finds so appealing, then the nomos of liberalism acquires a special kind of logical priority. But Cover is unwilling to recognize this priority, because he is concerned to insist upon plural worlds of equal nomoiâ (13).
âCover cannot adequately theorize how these plural worlds can continue to co-exist, apart from the âweakâ virtues of a âsystem-maintainingâ empireâ (13).
âThe potential nomos of liberalism is thus reduced to âan organizing principle itself incapable of producing the normative meaning that is life and growth, and courts are concomitantly characterized as merely âjurispathicââ (13).
âAt their worst, courts solve the problem of proliferating nomos by suppressing the multiplicity of laws; at their best they tolerate jurisgenerative communities by exercising the negative virtue of freedom of associationâ (13).
âAll nomoi . . . are jurispathic, because all construct their narratives by excluding and suppressing other possible narrativesâ (14).
âThe problem with the courts is not that they are jurispathic, but rather that they are violent, and it is the connection to the organized violence of the state that most deeply troubles Cover and leads him to doubt the possibility of a true statist paideiaâ (14).
âCover evidently believes that at its core the state will always turn soulless bureaucrat, violently imposing its arbitrary willâ (14).
âCoverâs refusal to theorize public reason seems a great blind spot of Nomos and Narrativeâ (15).
âa belief in the potential of public reason seems the only path forwardâ (16).
âI myself can never quite shake the nagging fear that Cover may have seen more deeply than I care to acknowledgeâ (16).
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